In January 2013, Anne Wizorek, a media consultant in Berlin, started a consciousness-raising campaign against sexism on Twitter, entitled #aufschrei (#outcry), which went viral over-night, receiving over 60,000 tweets in the first two weeks, and then was instantly picked up by the mainstream media (still largely run by men) in Germany, as it coincided with a highly-publicized sexism scandal at the time. The emerging online community (or “talking circle” in Gloria Steinem’s words) of people speaking out publicly and raising awareness and understanding of the extent to which sexism still permeates all social and personal spheres reignited a new wave of discourse on feminism and gender in Germany and beyond.
In October 2014, Wizorek published Weil ein #Aufschrei nicht reicht (Because an #Outcry is Not Enough) – a comprehensive study on gender issues in German society in a global context. Her book is a well-researched and well-written collection of essays on contemporary gender issues that pertain to women, women of colour, and the LGBTQ community and the various (outdated) laws and infringements on their rights. Wizorek provides a historical timeline (one rarely presented in regular school curriculum, unfortunately) with key events in the history of the feminist movements in Germany, Europe, and North America. The book is also a personal memoir, in which the author details her personal path to feminism, net-feminism, and feminist activism, and the creation of the now international awareness about sexism.
On the night of December 31, 2015, Germany experienced mass attacks on women in Cologne, Hamburg, Stuttgart, and other cities. Over 500 women have reported sexual assaults, thefts, and various degrees of harassment by mobs of young men (as witnesses describe, mainly from the North African and Arab world). So far, the local police force has been largely unable to identify or arrest any of the perpetrators, allegedly due to the multitude of the attacks. This led to the resignation of the Cologne Police Chief.
Chancellor Angela Merkel (recently named “person of the year” by Time Magazine for her refugee policy) has so far been determined to keep the door open to almost one million refugees fleeing persecution in Syria, despite considerable opposition within her conservative Christian Democratic Party (CDU) and mainstream media in Germany. However, in response to the attacks, she called for “a tough response from law enforcing agencies (harsher penalties, more comprehensive surveillance, etc.) and by putting forward new legislation that would facilitate quick deportation of criminal refugees” (Schmidtke). These events spurred a wave of racist commentary, as well as debates on the links between sexism and sexualized violence, the need for legal reforms and anti-harassment laws, and debates on refugee assimilation practices and multiculturalism.
As a result, feminist activist increased their efforts to campaign against sexism and racism under the slogan #ausnahmslos (#noexcuses, or literally “without exceptions”), created by several German and international activists, including Anne Wizorek, that consists of a campaign and a petition that calls for political and social solutions, media demands, as well as better-informed conversations and discourse on sexism, racism, and sexualized violence, without racist blaming-strategies and scapegoating of Islamic men.
Simultaneously, the New Year’s Eve events in Cologne revived the disreputable and all-too-familiar male notions of non-white men “taking” white women, thereby (mis-)framing the issue in terms of male property rights and further objectification of women, rather than focusing on the issues of safety for all and consciousness-raising about sexism and sexualized violence. The campaign calls for the acknowledgement that sexualized violence exits (and is not resolved) in most societies, not just in Islamic societies, and that blaming the cause of sexualized violence on Islamic men and refugees is detracting from the actual issue of sexism’s hold on all cultures.
In this article, I look closely at Anne Wizorek’s book, her media campaigns, and draw connections between the current feminist issues in Germany and in Canada (and North America) in an effort to highlight the importance of international and global feminist conversations and social justice activism.
Wizorek’s book begins by disproving the various myths and misconceptions that we no longer need feminism because gender equality, equity, and acceptance have already been achieved and accomplished. She demonstrates the many ways in which our social structures are still based on patriarchal divisions and social formations, in which men still hold a privileged position in the work place and within the family. As a result of this largely unquestioned social structure, sexism (the term was first coined in English in 1965 and in German in 1976) occurs on a daily basis and, as her 2013 media campaign exposed, ranges from everyday sexist remarks and actions, to sexual harassment, to rape culture and sexualized violence (as, unfortunately, became evident with attacks on women in Cologne over New Year’s Eve).
She identities the main issue as the fact that sexism has become so commonplace in everyday interactions that most people do not even recognize it as such when it happens. Not only are we still confronted by open sexism that privileges male advancement, privilege, point-of-view, sexuality, and can manifest itself as open hostility towards women, queer, and transgendered people, but we also often witness (and accept) the so-called “well-meant” sexism based on pseudo-chivalric misconceptions of men as protectors and bread-winners, and women as care-takes and nurtures (Wizorek 17). This patriarchal polarisation of gender roles precludes any real equality of genders and relationships.
Thus, Wizorek exposes sexism as a socially structural problem, and not just a habit of distasteful, disrespectful, bad jokes men allow themselves at the expense of women, gay and transgendered people (p.17). “Relinquishing some power in order to redistribute power more justly does not come easily,” Wizorek explains, “especially for those who are currently benefiting from this status quo, and use prejudices as excuses for consistent inequality and disrespect” (p.15).
The fact that sexism is still dismissed as a “women’s issue,” that women are still blamed as victims of sexual harassment and violence (as Cologne’s first female mayor has done in her initial response to the New Year’s Eve attacks), that most rapists still get away with it unpunished (as in the case of Bill Crosby, Julian Assange, etc.), that most men are not interested in gender and women’s issues, and that we lack a global educational strategy on gender – all point to the fact that we have a global epidemic of sexism, and that feminism is the only social movement that fights to address, re-educate, raise consciousness, and eradicate this global malaise.
According to Wizorek, “There is no ‘sexy branding strategy’ for perspectives that try to question our current social practices and shake up the status quo. There is merely a lot of awareness and conciousness-raising work to be done” (p.22). “And the most frustrating thing about anti-feminist smear tactics is that they actually work, in that they keep activists busy setting straight the wrongly portrayed images of feminism, and thus allow for less time to do their actual work of fighting for human rights. Simultaneously, it prevents other people from identifying and engaging with feminist ideas” (p.24). No wonder that according to a study conducted by the German government, 58.2% of women have experienced sexual harassment in public places, in work and study places, and in personal life (p.109).
At the time of the publication of her book, Germany was debating the introduction of a “Frauenquote” (affirmative action or equal opportunity law for women in work places), proposed by the Women’s Minister Manuela Schwesig and Justice Minister Heiko Maas, which was only asking for a 30% consideration, leaving the majority of 70% of workplaces to men (p.29). The law was supposed to be implemented in 2016, but sparked vicious debates and was highly unpopular with German industry leaders (all male). The gender pay-gap in Germany is currently still between 72 and 88 cents for every euro that a man earns for equal work (p.136). Care-work and the raising of children are still not recognized as labour and are still relegated as women’s “second shift” (p.147). Despite having a female Chancellor since 2005, German women still do not have equal opportunity or equal pay. By contrast, the Canadian Employment Equity Act exists since 1986, and pay equality is guaranteed under the Canadian Human Rights Act passed in 1977. The fact that German women (amongst many other nations, including the U.S.) still do not get equal opportunities and equal pay seems barbaric.
At the time of the publication of her book in 2014, Germany was still behind on issues of birth control (the morning-after pill still required a doctor’s prescription), as in some other Catholic countries like Italy and Poland, Germany was the only other EU country that restricted access to the morning-after pill on the grounds of possible side-effects such as nausea and headaches (p.42). Similarly, restrictions on abortion, known as Paragraph 218, have been last debated after the German Reunification in 1990, with demonstrations in the former West-German capital of Bonn to lift unnecessary restrictions on abortions (as they existed in the former West Germany. East Germany was more progressive for women’s rights). As of 1995, the abortion law in reunified Germany grants access to abortions within the first 12 weeks of pregnancy, but only after a mandatory consultation (Pflichtberatung) on the protection of unborn life (p.60). Abortion costs are not covered by health insurance in Germany, and range between 200 and 570 euros (p.70). By contrast, Canada is one of only a few nations with no legal restrictions on abortion since 1988, and it is covered by health insurance.
While Germany legalized same-sex partnerships and civil unions (but not official marriage) in 2001 (p.170), trans-sexuality is still treated as a “psychic issue of suffering in the wrong body” (p.173) and the German Constitution (Grundgesetz), while stating the equality of men and women, does not provide anti-discrimination laws based on sexual identity or sexual orientation (p.177). By contrast, in 2005, Canada was the fourth country in the world to legalize same-sex marriage nation-wide (Ontario and British Columbia led the legalization act in 2003), while LGBTQ rights are protected under Section 15 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
In her book, Wizorek calls for an update of the modern law-making apparatus in Germany to account and provide protective laws for all types lifestyle models (p.146). This outdated legal system is also apparent in the lack of laws against internet harassment of feminist activists, who are under a constant attack of death threats and rape threats for speaking up for human rights (p.206). “Advice such as ‘don’t publish/debate anything online’ follows the same logic as ‘don’t wear a short skirt if you don’t want to be raped’ and the wide-spread notion on the net ‘don’t feed the trolls!’ which implies not be provoked by disrespectful comments and threats online – all comes down to the common denominator of ignoring the actual root of the problem (which never makes the problem go away), namely, actively engaging with and eradicating sexism (p.207).
In the second part of the book, Wizorek describes how her Twitter campaign was started, inspired, and spread rapidly through her feminist networks and later through German and international mainstream media. Labelled as “#aufschrei debate” or the “sexism debate” (as if it’s something rhetorical to be debated, and not a social epidemic that harms people daily) by the mainstream media, the campaign did nonetheless have a global reach, which was unprecedented in German history. It brought to light how much our society lacks in terms of education, sex ed, and awareness of the extent to which sexism is connected to sexualized violence and generally stands for abuse of power (p.212).
“Feminists are not born,” Wizorek believes, “but the sum of your experiences and the desire for a more just world make you a feminist” (p.242). And while there is no such things as “the” feminism, but rather various streams united under one term, we should actually refer to “feminisms” (p.244). Activist methods such as protests, occupations, petitions have not disappeared with the advent of new technology and online platforms. But nowadays anyone with an internet connection can be an activist, while smart phones and laptops have become today’s demonstration signs. “Net-feminism is for me a consequent development of feminist activism,” Wizorek explains, “and it will continue to move in that direction” (p.271).
Wizorek concludes her study with various suggestions for feminist activists and net-feminists (p.273):
- Learn to pick your battles based on your own resources. Some conversations are simply not worth being continued
- Take care of yourself. Take time-outs
- Build your own network of like-minded people
- Ask your network for help and accept it
- There are many large “construction sites” of social justice, but baby steps also matter
- Humour and art are your eternal allies
She ends on an optimistic note that feminists (throughout the whole book Wizorek uses gender-inclusive and not just gender-neutral pronouns and noun endings in German, with the use of an underscore symbol, as for example “Feminist_innen,” thereby creating what she calls the “inclusive gender gap,” in which the underscore symbol designates a space for any identity that may be located between the feminine and masculine sides of the spectrum) are the most optimistic people she knows, for we believe that social justice and social change are possible because they are necessary (p.311).
In 2013, #aufschrei was recognized with the Grimme Online Award, awarded for achievements in “publishing quality online” since 2001.
Before Wizorek’s campaign and book publication, feminism in Germany was largely fragmented and mostly associated with the iconic second-wave feminist Alice Schwarzer, the editor of Emma – a political magazine founded in 1977 – whose often controversial and confrontational media appearances stirred up many public debates, but also, unfortunately, made her unpopular with the general public. More recent feminist publications, such as Missy Magazine with a focus on feminism and pop-culture, as well as the feminist blog Mädchenmannschaft, which was created after the publication of the book Wir Alphamädchen:Warum Feminismus das Leben schöner macht (We Alpha-Girls: Why Feminism Makes Life Better, by Meredith Haaf, Susanne Klingner, and Barbara Streidl, 2009), have tried to make feminism more mainstream and give its image a more positive make-over. However public debates about the state of feminism (in Germany), such as the one hosted by Berliner Festspiele during the Theater Treffen Festival in Berlin in 2011, entitled “Feminism, a Non-Word Today,” were relatively rare and often overshadowed by other social justice issues, such a the multiple waves of multiculturalism debates that followed Chancellor Angela Merkel’s provocative claim in 2010 that “multiculturalism in Germany had failed.”
Gender, as a national discussion topic and discourse remained marginalized, fragmented, but not completely forgotten, as Beatrice Möller’s documentary film Alles was wir wollen (Everything We Want, 2013) attests, which follows three young female protagonists as they deal with major personal and professional decisions, and contrasts their views with their mothers’ generation. However, there was no sense of an organized feminist community or a nation-wide (let alone international) conversation about gender, rights, feminism, equality, or sexism. Until Anne Wizorek’s Twitter campaign. With her work online, in print, as well as in mainstream media, she managed to create and sustain just the right level of focus and engagement with an issue that affects and impacts most people’s lives, and perpetuates stereotypes and prejudices that normalize violence and disrespect. She concluded her book tour in Germany in December 2015, and with the attacks on women in Cologne on New Year’s Eve, 2016 began with a renewed national debate on sexism, rape culture, and sexualized violence in Germany and beyond.
Despite her very busy schedule as a spokesperson for the new anti-sexism and anti-racism campaign, Anne Wizorek was kind enough to take the time to talk to me about her book, her online work, and the recent developments in Germany.
K.S.: Your Twitter campaign #aufschrei against everyday sexism brought on a new wave of feminist awareness and debates in German media. Your book’s title suggests that it was not enough. What other audiences did you reach with your book? How does the book / print media differ from the online media and audiences?
A.W: For me, there are two ways of how the title of the book can be perceived. On the one hand, of course a hashtag cannot solve patriarchy – I mean it would be nice if it worked that way – but this can only be one small part of the conversation we should be having. And then, not everyone can participate in the hashtag conversation; we still have to be aware that this is only a small fraction of the discussion. On the other hand, one single Aufschrei-story is not enough, we need more to make people aware of the bigger picture and the problem. And I like that the title has these multiple interpretations.
The main motivation for writing the book was the idea of being able to reach other people and audiences. Last year I was travelling to book-readings all over the country in Germany, and also in Switzerland and Austria, and because of my book I’ve been invited to a lot of places, and of course that’s another level of reaching people. I have numerous ways now of reaching different audiences. I get a lot of emails from young women who buy the book and say “I will give this to my dad, so he understands what all this feminism is about that I’m talking about.” Or a second-wave feminist mother who can give the book to her daughter to have an inter-generational conversation about feminism. So it goes both ways. And that’s exactly what I wanted – for people who are interested in feminism but don’t know where to start. So far, most of the conversation have been in German-speaking countries, but I’m also very interested in having an international conversation on feminism because I’m also very influenced by North-American feminist movements and discourse.
What were the most challenging and the most rewarding aspects about writing your book?
When I publish something online, I can still edit it, make updates, clarify things that are not as clear as they should be, and interact with people in the comments and discuss it further, and of course that’s very different when you write a book. So this part of letting it go, and now the book is out there, and has to stand for itself – that was a huge challenge for me.
The most rewarding part is people coming up to you at events and telling you that they read it, and they understand that they are feminists, and now want to do something – and that is still amazing to me that my book, my thoughts, were able to achieve that. That’s basically what I wanted.
What was the best response to your book so far?
I had a 17-year-old girl, or woman, write to me, whose teacher recommended my book to her. So she read it and realized “hey, I’m a feminist” and then talked about it with her parents, and she was especially influenced by the chapter on rape culture and consent culture, and when her father got into the whole argument that “when a woman wears a short skirt, she’s kind of asking for it,” she used the arguments against this way of thinking from the book. She wrote to me and was so proud, and thanked me.
What is the latest update on “die Frauenquote” legislative proposal (equal opportunity employment law) in Germany since the publication of your book?
On March 6, 2015 the law was passed (Bundestagsbeschluss) to introduce the gender quota to be implemented in 2016, but after all the debates and backlash against the law, it was watered down, so that now there is no system in place to oversee the implementation of the law, which means, businesses are required to have a certain amount of seats in management positions reserved for women, but if there is no “qualified woman” for the seat, it can just remain empty. That of course is very telling in terms of how patriarchal the structures within the companies still are – and prove the whole point of needing this law. And it’s frustrating that even with having this law, it still allows them to just not make any changes.
Have there been any other feminist legislative changes in Germany after the publication of your book?
The morning-after pill is now available without a prescription – but it’s not because of the German government, it was the EU that standardized the legislature on that in March 2015.
And with what happened in Cologne and other cities over New Year’s, we’re getting to the point where sexual assault legislation will be changed because the law is still not where we want it to be. Germany always acts as if we’re such a progressive country with a female Chancellor, but if you think about how rape was only made illegal and a crime in 1997 – that is just horrifying. And there are still politicians who said that it was just part of a marriage to deal with rape.
The film Suffragette (2015) portrayed how hard women had to fight at the turn of the last century to have their experiences of injustice, sexism, abuse, and lack of respect recognized as structural, universal issues and not just individual experience or personal misfortune. They also had to fight for visibility in the media and wide-spread acknowledgement of their cause. Do you find it disturbing / frustrating that our generation of feminists are still fighting the same fight? You describe it as a kind of Groundhog Day – waking up each morning to find that the debates around sexism and its consequences haven’t changed.
Yes, on the one hand it’s 2016 and basic human rights are still debatable – people should just have them. For me, it also puts things in perspective, especially looking at how suffragettes were attacked back then, I compare that to getting all these hateful comments online today. So it helps to understand that it’s the same kind of dynamic, and to understand that I’m part of this long history of women fighting for their rights, and that it’s still the right thing to do. But it’s also helpful to understand that the backlash is also part of change. You will always make some steps forward, but then the backlash comes and pushes back. So it’s all about tenacity and keep-on-going, which doesn’t mean that it’s not frustrating or exhausting, but it helps to put it in the bigger picture.
It’s very telling after the New Year’s attacks, when I or my fellow feminists go out there and say let’s have a more nuanced discussion about sexism and sexualized violence and how they are linked, and the people who condemn what happened in Cologne will attack us with rape threats. So it’s just very telling that being a woman in public and voicing your opinion will still get your this kind of backlash.
That is insane. That is so scary. How do you guys deal with this kind of hate mail?
We have different ways of dealing with this – filtering twitter messages and email. I can’t completely ignore it, but I can set boundaries on when to engage with these attacks and decide when to look at them.
And emotionally – how do you deal with being confronted with conflict and such irrational conflict because people attack you for things that actually do not make sense, right? So, it’s like dealing with constant insanity in a way?
Yeah, so the one thing you have to realize is that people will project anything onto you. So, basically you become this shell, and they will put all their baggage into it, and you as a person don’t matter. So, sometimes that is hard to deal with, but it helps that we are a big group of activists and we can talk about it. So I always tell people to have safe spaces online and offline and have support groups to talk about this with.
You included a very useful timeline of feminist history in Germany and elsewhere in your book, which, I have to say, I was very grateful for and have not come across elsewhere (perhaps only in German gender studies courses – which are also rare). Why do you think feminist history is still not part of regular school curriculum?
I never learned feminist history in school. What we would learn in school was that women weren’t allowed to vote, and then eventually they got the vote. And that’s it. Mostly women remain invisible. But I think if we made women more visible in history classes in schools, there would a totally different attitude towards feminists. When I look at suffragettes, I think, wow, they were really bad-ass, and I want to be part of that movement.
You talk about how the internet, and especially social media, as well as the spread of smart-phone technology that allows more global access to information, have become the new tools and forums of protest, activism, and consciousness-raising, and you use the term “net-feminism” (a way of using the internet for feminist activism and social justice). You also say that you became a feminist through the internet. This is one significant tool that the suffragettes and even the second-wave feminists did not have at their disposal (although they used existing media platforms and founded women’s magazines and media organizations that made significant impacts on societies and culture). Do you think net-feminism can be transformational in ways that previous waves that relied on other media forms could not?
I realized that I’m a feminist because of the internet and the wide array of knowledge accessible now because of the internet, not just the academic stuff, but a wide array of stuff, not just locked away in some library, or discussed by small academic circles, but available for everyone to access. So that is very powerful. And for me, the biggest advantage is that I can connect with like-minded people instantly. For example with #ausnahmslos – some of the activists I already knew and have met before, but some I hadn’t yet met, and as a group we were able to put such a big project together in just 3 days! And we are not depended on meeting all in one place, and can use digital tools (like google docs) to organize. So for me, this is what the “magic” of the internet is all about, to be connected to like-minded, awesome people. And if we want to make a difference, we get in touch, we brainstorm, we figure out how to do it, and next thing you know, it’s there!
So can you talk a bit more about the #ausnahmslos project and campaign – how did it come together in just three days?
My good friend Kübra Gümüşay (who started the #SchauHin campaign against racism) and her friend Emine Aslan (author of #CampusRassismus on everyday racism in academia) proposed the idea of putting out a statement to make people aware that feminism and feminist ideas should not be exploited for a racist agenda. She got in touch with me and we sent out an email to a bunch of people to start this, and the next night we were all skyping together, and started to write the first draft of the statement, and over the next three days we put together the website, finished the statement, came up with the name and social media strategies, and started reaching out to people to sign the petition, and by Monday it all exploded and got a lot of attention, even international media attention, which was really awesome to see!
We realized that by putting our statement out there, we were giving a lot of people hope. We were voicing something a lot of people couldn’t say or weren’t able to say because they were so frustrated by how the debate was going and focusing on the wrong things.
So, basically, with the new tools we now have, you are able to organize very quickly, very efficiently, globally, and bring in more people than would have been reached with traditional methods, but also, from what you’re saying, giving voice to people who may not have an opportunity to express their opinions publicly at the time of this crisis. That’s very powerful – it’s empowering the right people, in a sense.
Yes, and now we see a few protests happening in Cologne, Mainz, and other cities, and people are out there holding up banners with the #ausnahmslos slogan – so it totally translated back to the offline sphere again.
How many people signed the #ausnahmslos petition?
Over 10,700 signatures.
When Angela Merkel (whom TIME Magazine just put on their cover as the woman of the year for her refugee policies) made the provocative remark back in 2010 that multiculturalism in Germany had failed, she provoked a long-term media discourse about race and multiculturalism in German society. Do you think it would be beneficial for a political figure of her stature and global media reach to make a statement that gender equality has failed in Germany? Do you think that would be helpful or damaging to the feminist cause?
The thing with Angela Merkel is that she used to be the Minister for Women’s and Family Affairs back in the day (and was even progressive back then) but since running for Chancellor, she stayed away from gender issues, as a political strategy. Now she is showing some minor signs of support for gender equality again. For example, when the Minister Manuela Schwesig was attacked for the gender quota law, by one of the guys from CDU (Merkel’s Party), Merkel stepped in and took Schwesig’s side and put him in his place. That was great. And she also made a statement about what happened in Cologne and expressed solidarity with the women who were attacked. So that is the most visible she has been on gender issues for a long time. I think it’s a good thing when a person in such a powerful position, no matter what gender they are, takes a stand on gender equality and says that it’s something that needs high priority, and is not just something we can get to when all the other issues have been resolved. Because it’s such a big part of all problems. So, if Merkel could talk about it more publicly and make it part of her politics, that would be amazing, but for that she would have to be in a different political party. When I think about the US, where Hillary Clinton is running as an open feminist – that is something I can only dream of here. I really wonder if that will ever happen in Germany. Manuela Schwesig is openly feminist, but no one talks about it because she kind of has to be (as the Minister of Women’s and Family Issues). And there is Katja Kipping, from Die Linke Party, who was one of the first politicians to show her support for #ausnahmslos, and gave a speech in the Parliament against sexism and racism.
That’s great, that sounds like progress, to have a woman representative to voice and represent your needs in the Parliament.
Yes, but we also realize that there is this window of opportunity open now in light of the events in Cologne and other cities that are being discussed in such intense debates, but we also know that this won’t last forever – so, in order to address issues of racism, sexism, and sexualized violence you always have to make it “news-worthy,” which is horrible, but that’s how the media works. So, we have to put everything into this time-frame, to make sure that we’re getting a more nuanced discussion, instead of treating it like a problem that we can deport – there are many people who think that it’s a problem that has been “imported” and if we just deport it out of the country, we will be rid of it. So we are trying to steer the discourse away from deportation as an umbrella solution to sexism and sexualized violence. Of course, we also need to have a conversation about integration of migrants, but that may come a bit later. Sexism is not just a problem that Arab countries have. 1 in 3 women in Germany experience physical or sexual violence. And this is a number that existed before any refugees came.
What projects are you planning to work on next? Do you have a dream project?
I’d like to find a sustainable model to make the feminist blog kleinerdrei more professional and pay our writers, and not just have it as a side-project. That would be wonderful.
Another thing that I’ve been thinking about for quite some time now is to organize a conference on intersectional feminism in Berlin – to show how versatile the feminist scene in Germany actually is, and also have an international discussion on feminism.
Anne Wizorek, Weil ein #Aufschrei nicht reicht. Für einen Feminismus von heute. Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Verlag, 2014.
Oliver Schmidtke, “The New Year’s Eve mob assaults in Cologne: A turning point in Germany’s debate on refugees?” in Eucanet, January 1, 2016.